What does NRC think | The cabinet is too quiet about Hungary, and therefore about the rule of law

Does Viktor Orbán get up at Easter this year from the dead? The Hungarian Prime Minister himself hopes. When he spoke to the nation in February, he promised to deal with what is left of ‘liberal networks’ in his country. The deadline he gave: Easter. In a year there will be elections and never before was the survival of his political brand so uncertain. Orbán needs a miracle. And as is often the case in these situations, he grabs back to what he is best: feeding fear about liberal forces that Hungary want to destroy. Sometimes LGBTI people are the bobbin, then again journalists. Asylum seekers. Social organizations. Europe.

The Hungarian economy is struggling, inflation hurts the Hungarians. The country is isolated in the EU. Because of Orbáns repeated attacks on the rule of law, many billions of EU credits have been frozen for the time being. In the meantime, a newcomer is rattling at the gates of power: Péter Magyar. This MEP was a member of the Orbán clan for years, but distanced himself successfully and started a movement against the hand that once fed him.

Orbán will not give up quickly. Not only because he wants to stay in power, but also because the risk that he will have to answer to a judge as soon as he no longer has the power too great. The European corruption fighter Olaf has often expressed suspicions about irregularities and nepotism in the spending of EU money under Orbán, but the highly politized Hungarian justice has never given this seriously.

A politician who rumbles with (also Dutch) EU money should be strongly addressed from this from The Hague

From the moment Orbán became prime minister for the second time in 2010, the rule of law deteriorates hard, and fifteen years later the demolition continues unabated. With new legislation inspired by Putin with which NGOs are branded as ‘foreign agents’. Since 2021, a ban has been in force on ‘portraying and promoting’ of LGBTI expressions. Recently Orbán’s government even proceeded to prohibiting the annual pride march (28 June). To top it off, Hungary is now withdrawing from the International Criminal Court (ICC), an unprecedented step even for Orbán. The decision coincided with the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, against whom the ICC has issued an arrest warrant. Orbán therefore saws again in addition to the domestic legs of the rule of law. Why is Hungary actually a member of the EU? It is a frequently heard and all too understandable sigh. Here the way in which the EU is set up: a country that wants to become a member must show during a tightly monitored process of reforms that it is a functioning constitutional state and democracy. But once inside, it is difficult to correct countries that make sliding players.

The European Commission can tighten lawsuits and does so, even if it is a matter of the long breath. For Hungary, EU funds appropriate can be blocked, and that also happens. Perhaps the most important thing is that EU member states should provide the committee loud and clearly support in all these steps. In the past, Dutch cabinets did that too. The current cabinet is unfortunately a lot quieter, not least because of the warm tires that PVV leader Wilders has with Orbán. A politician who rumbles with EU money, and therefore also with the Dutch contribution to this, should be strongly addressed from this from The Hague.

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