Two ways to end the regime – personal views

However, none of the worship of « political articulation » all broader and more intensive civil disobedience does not give both the most clear concept of this articulation: in which way it could be established.

We are only collected around us in order to students, as their requests will obviously not fulfill, should give up the antipolytics and start adclagers with these or those parties. In a kind of way, some opposition parties and political analysts do not open already in a concealed, discreet way, represent students as the main brakes mentioned « political articulation » that could only lead to change in this regime.

In doing so, the unemployment of the reasons managed to create the widest movement of resistance, uniform citizens, far more than any other opposition subjects shake up to the core quasiith about the invincibility of this sovereign dictator of the Serbian Leviathan.

Certainly, there are many reasons why students, according to all objective polls of public opinion, but also, the number of places, even those smallest, in which there are no silent protests against the regime), became the most social force in Serbia.

Even some famous intellectuals, together with leaders of government, call student plans returning to Bolshevism, and the choirs to Ljotić, while their general concepts are treated as a premature conception of direct democracy, which is shameful, that shameful cannot be. The plenums really decides through imminent democracy, but they are not discussed by party-ideological issues, primarily about the formal principles on which a legal state rests, thus criticizing the existing self-sufficient, autocratic-arbitrary manner of government.

However, they are discussed on local issues or the problems of preserving the entities declared cultural assets. It is precisely such access to things, students who differ naturally ideologically, guarding their own compactness, mutual solidarity and communion, without which the initiators of the widest anti-executive rebellion in Serbia’s history of Serbia may not be.

Parliamentary order – for which students do without any dilemma, because of some forms of direct democracy (say a referendum), and especially in our conditions, which is approaching increasingly a kind of neototolitarianism that cannot collapse with classical interparting tender because it would be It took place in illegal, for the opposition completely unequal context.

In this context, it is necessary to temporarily apply the atmosphere of Society Vs. Mode. In our conditions, this means that opposition parties that would distance themselves from the student bunt was convicted of a difficult defeat.

Some of them, which support students, propose a transitional government on a shorter term, which, among other things, prepared the conditions for the maintenance of « fair » democratic conditions. This proposal involves negotiations with the parliamentary majority (read: with Vučić).

And if that conception was realized (what is hard to believe, because Vučić is not ready to hand over the authority and human casualties, which should be avoided), it is quite certain that the student-civilian citizenship would not be rebuilt behind that conception. Not only because the students gained a huge trust of citizens precisely because they are citizens who do not fight for power, but also because they are, in my opinion, against any arrangement with the existing regime whose « hands are bloody » as irreparable enemy of the legal state.

In my opinion, to be completely clear, there are two ways in which this mode can be completed. The first is that all opposition parties, and parliamentary and non-aircraft, also unite in the only election block and are transformed into the movement whose leaders would be their professors in which they have the most trust, with the intention of exiting their autonomy.

I am sure that this combination would win a two-thirds majority in the election to the constituent assembly whose delegates would have only one task, after which the Assembly would dissolve and announced parliamentary elections according to the new laws and conditions – PAKA Openaks.

Another way is to grow in parallel pressure of students and opposition to the level where the device can cancel the treatment of the Hurisms of Kvazipatriot and the main organizer of the Systemic Corruption, and that the appliance moves to the side of the people.

It is not a utopia, but a realistic possibility.

The author is the Honorary President of the International Philosophical School

The author’s attitudes in the dialogue not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Danas.