The sudden death of Kurdish separatism in Turkey
The longest armed uprising in the world is over. About four decades after organizing its first attack on Turkish government sites, the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) decided to dissolve and disarm. The decision marks a turning point not only for Turkey, but for the whole of the Middle East.
Since its founding in the late 1970s, Abdullah PKK now has been motivated mainly by the goal of creating an independent Kurdish state, while seeking to provide political rights to the Kurdish minority in Turkey. But several factors, both domestic and international, have obviously convinced its leaders to give up violence.
Let’s start with the internal political situation.
As a two -term president, Erdogan has made it clear that he will be striving for a third term, which means that he must find a way to change Turkey’s constitution or persuade parliament to support an early election bill. In both cases, success will require more support than its ruling coalition, composed of its justice and development party (PSR) and the far-right party of the Nationalist Movement (PND), can provide.
The Kurdish PKK dissolved and ended the fight in Turkey
But the third largest party in Turkey, the Procur People’s Party for Equality and Democracy (DEM), can secure the missing votes. The purpose of the inclusion of DEM in the parliamentary efforts to amend the Constitution has made the way to open the Kurds, designed to increase the political and cultural rights of the Kurds in Turkey. In return, it was envisaged to dissolve the PKK and the termination of its terrorist campaign against the Turkish state.
The PKK’s decision to dissolve was also influenced by the international events that put the group under intense pressure.
- Last December, Syrian President Bashar Assad, who used PKK as a tool for weakening Turkey, was overthrown, and the new regime could not be relied on to support Kurdish efforts to destabilize Turkey.
- The United States is also distancing itself from the PKK branches, which once played a leading role in the fight against the Islamic State. While the ex -president’s administration Joe Biden It offered almost unconditional support to Kurdish groups allied with the United States, such as Syrian Democratic Forces (UDF), Donald Trump believes that the national interests of the United States – last but not least, political stability in Syria – are better served by strengthening ties with Turkey.
- The last, less discussed factor that forms the PKK calculations is the increasing use of Turkey on the technology of unmanned aerial vehicles To strengthen security by borders and, more important, to target senior PKK commanders outside Turkey – even deep in Iraqi territory. As this significantly weakened the logistical and operational efficiency of PKK, it probably triggered a fundamental reassessment of the prospects of the uprising.
| This combination of factors made it possible for Turkey to resolve the Kurdish issue without a violent campaign that nourishes radicalization. But the successful transition from the era of armed struggle to the era of peace and integration will require the Erdogan government to achieve results on two fronts. |
The first is transparency. The long history of PKK violence has understandably gave rise to deep hostility in Turkish society. It is therefore essential that the content of the negotiations between the PKK and the Turkish government – including the relevant compromises – to be released clearly and openly. For example, a major factor will be whether the PKK -related structures such as people’s protection units (YPG) in Syria will also disarm. Parliament – and in particular the main opposition parties in it – must play a central role in directing this sensitive process.
The second front is democracy. This historical opening cannot succeed without a true democratic reform, including reliable steps to guarantee the independence of the judiciary and to strengthen the freedom of expression and association.
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The Erdogan government could achieve rapid success in this area by implementing the recent decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, including his demand to release Kurdish political leader Selahatin Demirtash. As soon as Yojalan can be released, the Turkish government would also be good to pay attention to the conditions in which other political prisoners are located, such as Istanbul Mayor Ecrem Imamoglu and Yumit Yoddag, who heads the ultra -nationalist victory party.
The dissolution of PKK provides a historical opportunity to build a better Turkey.
The preservation of the country’s newly acquired freedom from the terrorism of PKK requires the strengthening of democracy in a broader terms. In addition to helping Turkey, such an initiative will show participants in violence throughout the Middle East that termination of political riots can lead to a lasting and inclusive peace.
© Project Syndicate
