As the elections are approaching, authoritarian leaders hiding behind the thin facade of democracy often resort to fabricated « enemies » against which they can oppose as seeking decisions and rescuers. They blame foreign forces and claim that there are talks about undermining national stability, security and traditions.
This is a worked tactic that Hungarian Victor Orban is particularly familiar with.
Ever since he returned to power in 2010, Fidesz -Kdnp, the ruling coalition of the Hungarian prime minister, routinely earns illusory opponents for political benefits.
In 2014, the external enemy was « foreign entities » seeking to « affirm their power » over ordinary Hungarians.
In 2018, the American philanthropist of Hungarian origin George Soros was depicted In a prominent place on billboards, leaflets and in media channels related to the government, as a conspirator for a « complete front » attack against the Hungarian state.
In 2022 civil society and independent media were accusedthat they work in perfect synchronization with US allies to « manipulate » global press publications on events in Hungary.
In a little over a year, citizens of the country will again give their sentence in the ballot box. Public opinion studies show that a rebel party, headed by Peter Madar, can overthrow the prime minister. Tisza won significant positions over the past year, achieving impressive results, starting from scratch of the European Parliament elections in 2024 and increasing public support For a campaign that focuses on the need to clear Hungary’s political system.
Orban’s double game for the war in Ukraine
Prime Minister Madar poses a new and anxious problem. Unlike previous opponents who have been attacked because of their political origin or relationship with institutions, Madar is one of the Fidesz family. He was married to Judith War, former Orban Justice Minister, and was a longtime ally of the ruling elite. He popped up on stage as a politician who could realistically download Orban in 2026, made the offensive actions that did work in previous election cycles, incompatible or ineffective now.
However, in recent weeks, Fidesz’s propaganda machine has tried – and failed – to blame Madar and others – « bought politicians, judges, journalists, fake NGOs and political activists » – plotting to « overthrow the Hungarian democracy ». These campaigns organized through a network of government -related media that represent most of the information space On the country, they seek to blacken Madar as a « puppet » of foreign forces. In his annual speech on the state of the Union in February Orban called He and other critics of « stinking bugs (which) survived in the winter » and promised to « dismantle » their financial machine.
Reuters
Peter Madar
But attacks on scapegoating victims – a smoke curtain that is routinely used to divert public disappointment away from problems, such as a collapsing economy and torn health services – do not reach the previous fact. While George Soros continues to be at the center On the Fidesz-KDNP propaganda, the reality is that he is already 94 years old, has largely withdrawn from public attention and is no longer the motivator for voters as it was before the ruling coalition.
Recent schemes Government attacks and misinformation, including against European Commission President Ursula von der Layen and the leader of the European People’s Party Group Manfred Weber, also failed to resonate in society. And in fact, they were contrary to the fact that most Hungarians are pro -European and predominantly support the continuation of EU membership. Attacks against Ukrainian President Volodimir Zelenski in the context of EU funding and security also fail to break the voters from Madar’s movement.
EU media protection will be difficult in countries with systemic corruption
This made the more and more desperate Orban expand its attack and focus on more extreme-and more and more authoritarian-tactics in an attempt to cling to power.
The establishment and subsequent use of a government institution – the service of national sovereignty – for pursuit of political opponentsindependent media, NGOs and other critical votes, evidence of the trajectory of the ruling coalition before the campaign itself. Using the prime minister of stopping the USAID funds for development – to present independent media in Hungary as a corrupt mess and to nourish hostility to journalists and activists funded from abroad – has further raised fears among the Hungarians about how far he is ready to go to maintain his management. As well as whether another attack can survive whether the weakened democratic apparatus of the country can survive.
It remains to find out if Orban is ready to move on to a total attack on his subversive activity against democracy. Investigations on the independent news site Direkt36 show a coordinated and, disturbing, deeply rooted and ominous self -exaltation and self -defense network. This extends beyond the boundaries of Hungary and includes coordination with the radical right in Europe and autocratic leaders to the east in the form of assets and assets and Financing through intermediaries to parties in the Patriots group in the European Parliament.
The EU, which has been undergoing the « problem of Orban » for years, can face a moment of danger in 2026. If it is inactive and allowed the Hungarian prime minister to undermine and abduct the country’s democracy, we can see a total conquest of the EU Member State. The future German Chancellor Friedrich Merz He has already felt this danger, and in recent weeks has called for the block to be « more consistent » in the application of « violation procedures ».
Approximately EUR 22 billion European funds equal to 11% of Hungary’s estimated GDP in 2024 – were detainee from the EU in response to the ongoing violations of the Government of Orban to the rule of law. This is a lever that must continue to be used to ensure that the 2026 elections will be held freely.
Another way to demonstrate force, from a European point of view, is to limit Hungary’s voting right to vote in the European Council. The European Parliament started Efforts for this purpose in 2018 and, as Merz and others suggested later, this is something that must be reviewed as a means of preventing further democratic vandalism in Hungary.
The next 12 months will be critical for the Hungarians and those of the wider European project. Investing without EU-based and other Democrats from the international community, they have the potential to limit Orban, to ensure the country’s parliamentary elections in a cleaner information space, and, most importantly, to thwart any conspiracy to undermine democracy in a European Member State.
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