Neither third nor fifth Serbian uprising: Serbia is again on the historical intersection – Personal views
Whatever side of the barricade to find – whether it is Ćacifil or Čacifob – Everyone in Serbia today is aware that the country is by who knows what time the historical crossroads. And again, as many times earlier, it risks wrong breaking.
It is also talked about the third Serbian uprising. It is not only about the arithmetic error in collecting simple numbers, but also on the absence of historical memory, with a dangerous tendency to be silenced in trouble for the refusal to learn from the tragic collective experience. Therefore, do not give God reps, if it doesn’t have to (And, does he have to depend on the alienated world and church government)!
In this area, only such movements were taken into account, the third Serbian uprising, the third Serbian Utcheva, said Draža Mihajlović, June 11, 1941. at Ravno Major by the establishment of the Chetnik Squads of the Yugoslav Army.
The fourth Serbian Uprising was declared 4. July 1941, and realistically started with the shots of Zikica Jovanovic Spanish 7. In July of the same year in Bela Crkva. Draža was issued and later shot, and the Spaniard liquidated his companions as « Trotsky ».
It is useful to remind yourself that « Partisan Serbia » was under the first three war years and the « Chetnik Serbia » in the last year of that unfortunate war. Far from the Germans acted as tourists, but our brotherbial bloodliness was quite overshadowed their contribution to the total number of victims.
In the wider area of the former common state, the revolution will be lifted at the time of the occupier that the occupier will go when the « domestic enemy » is even more marginalized the role of the Germans, especially in the killing of civilians.
« Left turns » lasted for more than a year, primarily guessing the people in the mountainous areas, but a lot of Moravian « village of my straight » was killed. Whoever was not ready to take the rifle was declared a « five-wheeled », « Trotskyist » and « dog’s servant » or at the « dog’s cemetives », but already well charged to the unfortunates who liquidated the armies of the other faith. Not to be an illusion, the same happened « red » and « communities » when uniformed compatriots of the opposite ideological commitment appear.
Easy hand moves to tighten the brother’s neck. So it was during the occupation, but later, let’s say at the time of Informbiro. Svetozar « Tempo » and Luka Vukmanović, Draža Mihailović and his children, Peko and Vladimir Dapčević (with two other brothers and sisters), Milentije and Miodrag Popović are only the most famous examples of war and post-family in the same family.
Then it was an ideological exclusivity, but on sharp historical curves landed from the road and many innocent people. In the late 1940s, as a paradigmatic, as paradigmatic, the story of an angry manager who pointed to the wall with great Tito’s and Stalin’s portraits and orders confused subordinate: « Get this villain! » Unfixed Martyr a politely asks: « left or right? » And for a long time disappears from public life.
In a long time, I realized all unpredictability and tragic of our destinies. If I was 15-20 years of age, as a student of the University of Belgrade, I would certainly be an angry left-carer and, at the occasion, a member of the KPJ or Skojevac.
On the other hand, that in the April war, I swore to the loyalty of the king and the homeland, until the end of BiH, I would hold oaths. Statistically, I would most likely be killed in one of the two largest mutual massacre – in the first case in late spring 1943. in Sutjeska, and in the second two years later as Chetnik on nearby Zelengora.
In shameball wars, we did not slaughter each other at the end of the last century, because we were directed to the neighbors, but we sharply shared and hated the first second-Serbian, ie « patriotic » and « treacherous » line. Now, former countrymen, the state borders were divided by the direct devastating influence of our governed politicians, so they pee on the domestic calculation.
A special psychological phenomenon is that they trust them the most refugee orphanage, shepherd and borch, and more than three decades are expanded from their distant homes precisely due to naive suspension of the sweet-spoken politicians. There as if it were a collective stockholm syndrome.
Today’s students and high school students do not mean much this historical reminder. Fortunately, they are some wonders, at least for now, deprived of intolerance and vengefulness characteristic of their fathers and grandparents. Citizens conquer the fields, charm, prostheafness, serenity and humor. They infected with goodness and older supporters.
So much inventiveness and superiority entered this match of their young and our remaining lives to remain the only one to follow them.
We do not have the right to wise them, but it is understandable to fear, especially because, except in rare occasions as it happened 15. Marta, we do not provide sufficiently resolve support.
An additional reason for concern is the loss of tempo and fatigue of « human material ». Almost half a year was waiting for the full four requests, although it was clear from the beginning to be the first unacceptable for the regime, which would reveal all its criminal nature to the public.
Currently key request – calling of parliamentary choices – also requires much time and patience. Perhaps most emphasized to « tirjanstvo stood in the neck » by insisting on the resignation of the President of the Republic due to the guideline violation of the Constitution, but the newly established pretties and choirs decide.
But whatever approach to overtaking, it is important that you do not vain again. The students such dismissal of the social crisis is not in mind, but the regime is still the only chance to dispose of its end in divisions and violence. It takes a lot of wisdom to avoid such developments. I guess not all regime structures, including force organs, dazzle the complete darkness.
The author is a retired professor at the Medical Faculty
The author’s attitudes in the dialogue not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Danas.
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