Kaczynski’s decisive battle: which threatens the former party of Poland and its leader

When Kaczynski « invented » Andrzej Duda, not one expert in the political scene also wondered why he was risked so much, betting on a little -known policy, relatively young and inexperienced.

Duda, however, twice won the elections and was a talented speaker. He still had a great political experience: he participated in several campaigns, worked as a deputy of the European Parliament, and held a high position in the office of President Lech Kaczynski.

Duda may not have been widely known, but still aware of political work.

Navrotsky has no such experience. He tries to become a « duda on the devil », but he lacks certain natural personal traits and the ability to gain sympathy for less politically active voters.

Therefore, there are many opponents of this candidate in the « PAS » itself – with the former Prime Minister Mateusz Moravtsky, headed.

Moreover, it is possible that Kaczynski himself does not believe in the success of Navrotsky. In fact, he trusted only one president – his brother Lech.

Andrzej Duda Kaczynski disappointed.

It is no secret that the relationship of the leader « PAS » and the president is quite cool.

Kaczynski practically does not talk to Duda. He is dissatisfied with his too independent politics, cooperation with the Tusk government in the law and, after all, suspension of judicial reforms during the board of Pis.

In addition, Marchin Masttaler, who held the post of secretary of the presidential administration, appeared in Duda. Part of the right forces considers him a brilliant political technologist and strategist, but he does not wear Kaczynski. And with reciprocity.

It was the mastalerek who said Kaczynski for the benefit of Kaczynski. And it is today, together with representatives of even more right -wing and nationalist « Confederation », plans to create a new right on the ruins « PAS ».

Only there are no ruins yet.

Revenge for Smolensk

At the very beginning, when only two parties were formed – the Civic Platform (GP) and « Right and Justice », they almost began to rule together.

Before the 2005 parliamentary elections, a general belief prevailed that GP and PAS would form a coalition. However, at the finish of the election campaign, Donald Tusk began actively criticized Pism. He may have wanted to weaken the future coalition partner, and maybe expected to get ahead of the « Pism » in the elections.

Anyway, and Tusk did not stop strictly attack the Kaczynski party. The two -year board of PAS’s board only exacerbated this confrontation.

In 2007, during the famous television, before the next early elections to the Seimas, Tusk defeated Yaroslav Kaczynski. Together with the Civic Platform, he won the elections and, as a result, retained power for eight years.

Kaczynski has not yet recovered from the injury received in those lost elections. Then there was a deep split: the confrontation of « GP » and « PAS » became a personal conflict of two rivals who came together in a deadly duel.

During the election campaign, Kaczynski accused of Tusk of serving his grandfather during the Second World War. Instead, the media close to the GP were ridiculed by the Kachinsky twins.

The emotions of this confrontation sometimes went beyond the usual political struggle, but in almost metaphysical hatred they were transformed by the tragedy, which took place on April 10, 2010.

The Smolensk catastrophe became a rotary point in the history of Yaroslav Kaczynski.

He lost his brother with whom he was very closely linked. At the same time, he lost his political alter ego.

Although Yaroslav was a born politician, the authorities were not interested in himself. He wanted to be a backstage politician, a demiurge that shapes the political environment of the Polish right, is able to compete with that part of the anti -communist « solidarity », which, after the fall of the communist regime, went to betrayal and agreed with the former communists.

Yaroslav Plum intrigue, destroying rivals and building a party « Right and Justice ». Instead, Lech was holding positions. He was the Prosecutor General, Mayor of Warsaw and eventually the president.

When Lech Kaczynski died in the Tu-154M Air Force near Smolensk, Yaroslav Kaczynski also died. Since then, the myth of the Smolensk conspiracy, the betrayal of Donald Tusk, which at the time was the prime minister, that Tusk wanted to hide the Russian attempt on the President of Poland, and even came into conspiracy with Putin.

The Smolensk myth in a new way defined the « PAS » and the role of Kaczynski. Since then, the leader of « law and justice » has been managed not only by the dream of creating a powerful and stable party, but also by the desire to take revenge, the desire to destroy Tusk’s environment – a liberal center.

All that Kaczynski added to his rhetoric, his verbal attacks on Tusk (accusation that he served Germany and Russia and similar statements) was only a consequence of emotions related to the Smolensk catastrophe and the death of his brother.

War for the right flank

Dark clouds gather over the Kaczynski Party.

After the victory of Donald Tusk, it was time to build accounts during the reign of Kaczynski. The prosecutor’s office, special services and parliamentary commissions are investigating numerous scandals.

In the chamber of pre -trial detention was already MP Dariusz Matietsky. In London, a former head of the government agency Michal Kuchmerovsky is sitting and waiting for extradition. Another MP, Mark Romanovsky, fled to Hungarywhere he is protected from extradition by a friend « PAS » – Victor Orban.

These are just some of the threads of the loudest corruption scandals, which are increasingly weakening the Kaczynski party, drawing it into new and new investigations and lawsuits.

It is also the result of the policy of Kachin times of his reign.

Although Kaczynski lived modestly, it seemed that money was not important to him, and yet he understood that thousands of party figures and allies of « PAS » were big appetites. Therefore, he allowed his people to stuff their pockets when they headed all government agencies.

Many of them were not satisfied with warm state positions and began to realize dirty interests at the junction of the state and business.

Even at a time when the « PAS » won elections and had full power after 2015, Kaczynski did not focus on this real power in his hands. He was only satisfied with the position of Viceremier for a while.

Especially under it, it was created by the Government Committee on National Security and Defense, which he headed. It was to create the impression of power of a strong hand.

In fact, his office in the party office on Novogrodskaya Street was always more expensive than government buildings. He preferred to manage the party, fight for its well -being and prepare for the next revenge with a slope.

Because it is not paradoxical, Kaczynski seems better in opposition than in power. Of course, the desire for power is the goal of the leader « PAS », but it seems that the struggle itself is captivated more than victory.

Only today, the most glorious dark cloud over « law and justice » is not investigating corruption scandals.

There was a greater threat to the horizon: far -right competitors from Confederation.

When the ratings The presidential candidate from the « Confederation » of Slavomir Menzen They jumped sharply and closer to Karol Navrotsky’s ratings, « Pism » engulfed panic.

However, according to recent polls, Menzen has 12-15% of support, that is, its indicators have decreased, and therefore, the threat has decreased that a candidate of « Confederation », not « Pis » will be released by the second round.

However, Kaczynski cannot but see that the « Confederation » has grown into a stable and strong rival « PAS », popular with young people, bright and more radical.

Now the new, and possibly the last mission of Kaczynski will be the reconstruction of the monopoly « PAS » in the right wing.

Author: Michal Katsevich,

Publicist, journalist of the biełsat portal

The article was initially published on the portal ”New Poland” and the republic of the right holder. Translated by Andrew Savenets, editor Natalia Tkachyk