Great success and ugly failures accompanied the past 15 years of power

Timing the anniversary, the Policy Solutions have been conducting a comprehensive, deep research on the results and failures of the National Cooperation System (NER). The Orbán 15 We asked the director of the institute, András Bíró-Nagy, about his most important findings.

What was the basic concept of the study?

– Our goal was to move a little farther from the craze of daily politics and see what processes are going on in society and how people appreciate the decade and a half behind us. Five years ago, we also conducted a similar research, so we were able to look at what changed compared to 2020, and which were the most popular and unmatched measures of the Orbán government.

Which decisions can be considered as the biggest government success?

– The most popular is the 13. Monthly pension Return, which is due to the support of not only Fidesz but also opposition voters. This is followed by three measures that have been at the center of Fidesz policy for at least 10 years: the family support system, overheadand the position on migration. Fifth place was a new topic, the Russian-Ukrainian war a peace party position built in connection with it. It is important to emphasize that the popularity of various measures also depends on the social group we are talking about. In Budapest, for example, the utility cut would be the highest, with the 13th month pension in the county seats, while in smaller cities and villages the family support system has the highest support.

And what were the biggest failures?

– Five years ago and this year it is stable with a state of health Related concerns were made in the lead. The past period was characterized by economic crises, so it is not surprising that in 2025 the too high prices And the costs of livelihood were ranked second in the Criticism of the Orbán government. The third was corruption, which seems to have been appreciated in the eyes of people, as it was only sixth in 2020.

Overall, what is the perception of society about Viktor Orbán’s regeneration?

– The situation is unfavorable to the government. 50 percent replied that the Orbán government had had a negative impact on Hungary for the past 15 years, and only 39 percent of those who look positive about this period. The position is equal to the uncertain.

The study also states that Viktor Orbán would do better government performance, although the general belief that the uncertain is to draw more towards the opposition. Do the two exclude each other?

– Not at all. Uncertain voters are basically a critical position against the government. Another question, however, also believes whether Viktor Orbán’s challenger would control the country more effectively, and whether they would do better with a change of government. At present, there is serious dissatisfaction with the uncertain, but they are not yet convinced that the Tisza party is better. In this area, Peter Magyar has to do: he must believe the insecurities that they do not have to be afraid of a change of government.

What are the most important conclusions of the study that is worth considering for Peter Magyar or even Viktor Orbán?

-It is clear from the publication that it is good for the prime minister to have family support, migration, or even the Russian-Ukrainian war in the publicity. On the basis of the movement of Péter Magyar, however, it can be stated that he does not want to fight the election campaign in the field designated by Fidesz. The Tisza goes well when it talks about living, economic issues and the quality of public services. Our research also showed that many more people assume that Peter Magyar would be able to bring EU funds home, to restrain corruption and improve health care.

Voters may have the basic experience that Hungarian domestic politics has turned up from the bottom for the past 1-1.5 years. Do you see this as a researcher for 15 years?

– Of course. Opposite the government has a one -party, strong alternative, which is at least one, but nowadays it makes a bigger block than Fidesz. This also fundamentally reshaped how optimistic people are considered to be a possible change of government. Among the voters of the Tisza Party are many who again believe that Viktor Orbán can be replaced by a democratic way. However, in recent times, it is not only a significant change in the system. Dissatisfaction with the Orbán government increased, and with the negative mood, there was nothing to do with the flying communication. After years of economic growth, the Orbán government has to run with a pessimistic Hungarian society that has not been the case in the last 15 years. This also contributes to this will be the most difficult election campaign to date for the Orbán system.

Based on the current power relations outlined in the study, any conclusions can be drawn on the outcome of next year’s elections?

– I would be careful because we are not living in a normal democracy. The track slides spectacularly in one direction, has a spectacularly more communication tool on one side, and with two -thirds power, as we can see nowadays, you can figure out rules that make it fundamentally difficult to start the opposition’s challenging, campaigning, or diminish critical sounds. If we lived in a country where the two sides could fight each other in fully balanced circumstances, the government would be in a very difficult situation. All in all, the numbers in our research tell us that today more people in Hungary are dissatisfied and many people want a change of government than they would support the survival of the current system. But in the next year, a lot can happen that can change this picture.